A Terminology

Christism

Christianity has had no word for the thing that wears it. Islam has one — Islamism — and no careful speaker confuses the two. This is the argument for the missing term, and for why its absence has not been neutral.

From The American Antichrist and the Apotheosis of Self-Interest
by Christopher E. Etter, M.A. Religious Studies, Sacred Heart University

The Term

A Word for the Thing That Is Not Christianity

This book needs a word for something that Christianity does not have a word for: the political ideology that deploys Christian language, Christian symbols, and Christian authority in the service of a program that Christian scripture, rightly read, does not sanction.

The word this project proposes is Christism, and the reason it is needed is precise. Without it, every criticism of the movement reads as a criticism of Christianity, and every defence of Christianity reads as a defence of the movement. The two become impossible to separate in ordinary speech — which is a condition that serves the movement and injures the faith.

Christism, as distinct from Christianity: the political ideology that deploys Christian language as an instrument of coercive power.

The Parallel

Islamism Is to Islam as Christism Is to Christianity

The construction is not novel, and that is the point of it. English already has a word that performs exactly this function for another tradition. Islamism names the political ideology that deploys Islamic language and authority toward a program Islamic scripture does not sanction — and no careful speaker confuses it with Islam.

The distinction is understood well enough that scholars, journalists, and Muslims themselves use it routinely, and its use is not taken as an attack on the faith. It is taken as a defence of the faith against something wearing it.

Christianity has had no equivalent. The absence is not neutral. It has meant that the only available vocabulary for the movement — ‘Christian nationalism,’ ‘the Christian right,’ ‘evangelicals’ — all place the word Christian in the subject position, and so concede in advance the very claim the movement most needs conceded: that it is a form of Christianity.

The same structural diagnosis applies, in each case from inside the tradition rather than against it. It has been made by Muslims, on Islamic grounds, against the Islamist theocrat. It has been made by Jews, on the Torah’s own account of freely chosen covenant, against Jewish theocratic claims. The argument against theocracy is not one tradition’s argument against another’s. It is each tradition’s argument against its own theocratic temptation.

The Distinction

Seven Dimensions, Side by Side

The difference is not a matter of degree along a single axis — not a stricter or looser Christianity, not a more or less conservative one. It is a difference in what the words are being used to do. The comparison below sets the two against each other on the dimensions where they diverge most sharply.

Christian
Christist
Identity
Defined by relationship to the teaching and person of Jesus Christ — by love, discipleship, and the transformation of the self.
Defined by cultural and political affiliation — by tribe, nation, and shared opposition to designated enemies.
Authority
Authority flows from the Gospel’s content: the teaching of Christ as documented in the four Gospels and the apostolic tradition.
Authority flows from political loyalty: the leader, the movement, the party as the vessel of divine purpose.
Use of Scripture
Scripture as the Word that judges and transforms the self and its community, including in their political life.
Scripture as a weapon deployed selectively to legitimate predetermined political positions and delegitimize opponents.
Relationship to Power
Power as service. Among you it shall not be so: the greatest shall be servant of all (Mark 10:43–44).
Power as dominance. The carceral aesthetic: strength as the refusal of compassion, hierarchy as the natural order.
The Vulnerable
The least of these as the site of encounter with Christ (Matthew 25). The preferential option for the poor as a consistent thread from the prophets through the Gospels.
The vulnerable as the deserving casualties of a meritocratic order — or as threats to be managed, expelled, or suppressed.
Truth
You shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you free (John 8:32). The pursuit of truth as integral to faithful life.
Truth as whatever serves the movement. Thirty thousand documented false statements as the operational mode of the political leader claiming divine sanction.
The Criterion
Matthew 25: the six acts of solidarity with the vulnerable as the criterion of final judgment, explicitly named by Christ.
Cultural identity, political loyalty, and doctrinal correctness on selected issues — not solidarity with the suffering — as the marks of the faithful.
The Test

Paving the Garden

The book’s governing image supplies the sharpest test of the distinction. The Garden of Eden was designed for flourishing, and it contained — by the same structural necessity — the possibility of the Fall. You cannot have a garden containing genuine freedom without the genuine possibility of its abuse. The vulnerability was not a defect in the design. It was the shadow of the design’s greatest gift.

The theocrat makes the identical mistake in every tradition: he attempts to abolish the freedom in order to prevent the refusal. He looks at the garden, sees the serpent, sees the real possibility that human beings will choose wrongly, and concludes that the solution is to remove the possibility of the wrong choice by force of law.

He paves the garden to prevent the Fall. And in doing so he destroys the very thing the garden was for — because a garden in which no wrong choice is possible is not a garden. It is a machine for producing compelled behaviour, and compelled behaviour is not what any of the three traditions understand God to have wanted when God made humanity free.

Chapter 48

Why the Word Matters, and Why the Field Cannot Be Ceded

There is a strategic argument that follows from the terminological one, and the book gives it a full chapter. Abandoning religious vocabulary to the Christist movement is not a neutral act. It is a specific concession with documented consequences.

If the only people speaking in scriptural terms about American politics are those using scripture to justify hierarchy, then scripture will be understood by everyone else as an instrument of hierarchy — and the movement will have been granted, without contest, the authority it claims. The vocabulary is not the opposition’s property. Conceding it is a choice, and it is the choice the movement is counting on.

Chapter 46

The Shared Garden

The argument is not merely theoretical, and the book closes it with a demonstration. On February 4, 2019, in Abu Dhabi, Pope Francis and the Grand Imam of al-Azhar, Ahmad al-Tayyeb, signed the Document on Human Fraternity for World Peace and Living Together. Its method is stated in its own terms: “a culture of dialogue as the path; mutual cooperation as the code of conduct; reciprocal understanding as the method and standard.”

And its grounding is the garden argument, in the document’s own words — the appeal to “freedom, that God has given to all human beings creating them free and distinguishing them by this gift.”

On December 21, 2020, the United Nations General Assembly declared February 4 the International Day of Human Fraternity.

Two of the world’s largest religious traditions, meeting at the highest level available to them, grounded their common ground in the freedom that Christism and Islamism both propose to abolish. The alternative to the theocratic temptation is not secularism. It is the tradition’s own account of why God made the garden the way it is.